Mr. Ramirez was a little too early in claiming success, but it's still a cool cartoon:
And his point about the Trump Administration concerning itself with late-night American TV hosts in the face of more serious threats is well-taken.
But Jimmy Kimmel was baack on the air last night, apparently. I continued my 22-year tradition of not watching. But I noticed this tweet from Don Winslow, which revealed a major continuing problem:
Jimmy Kimmel: “Our president celebrates Americans losing their livelihoods because he cannot take a joke.”pic.twitter.com/zjFd8XRy1T
— Don Winslow (@donwinslow) September 24, 2025
And that problem is: Jimmy Kimmel does not know what a "joke" is any more. What got him into trouble was:
“We had some new lows over the weekend with the Maga gang desperately trying to characterise this kid who murdered Charlie Kirk as anything other than one of them and with everything they can to score political points from it."
Can you detect even a trace of humor there?
I mean, Kate McKinnon singing “Hallelujah” on Saturday Night Live back in 2016 was funnier.
Fortunately, Jonathan Turley pulls some amusement out of the rhetoric: The Funniest Joke Jimmy Kimmel Never Told.
The hypocrisy was pure comedy. For years, these same voices demanded censorship of individuals deemed to be spreading disinformation, misinformation, and malinformation. The last category was used by the Biden administration to target statements “based on fact, but used out of context to mislead, harm, or manipulate.”
At the same time, they mocked claims that corporations were working with the government to maintain this censorship system.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) ran on a pledge to impose new criminal and civil penalties for anyone spreading disinformation. Now, however, censorship is intolerable. Warren told CNN “we know there was federal interference … We saw the government step up and give a hard shove and then we saw a compliant company turn around and suspend Mr. Kimmel.” She added that his collaboration with corporations “truly undermines the whole premise of the First Amendment.”
More examples from the pols and pundits at the link. But what's the joke, Jonathan? Oh, here 'tis:
So Kimmel is now a hero of democracy — all he had to do was spread disinformation. That makes this the funniest joke that Kimmel never told.
Also on the hypocrisy watch, James Freeman excerpts a letter sent by Alphabet's (Google/YouTube) law firm to CongressCritter Jim Jordan, recalling some recent history:
Senior Biden Administration officials, including White House officials, conducted repeated and sustained outreach to Alphabet and pressed the Company regarding certain user-generated content related to the Covid-19 pandemic that did not violate its policies. While the Company continued to develop and enforce its policies independently, Biden Administration officials continued to press the Company to remove non-violative user-generated content.
… the Administration’s officials, including President Biden, created a political atmosphere that sought to influence the actions of platforms based on their concerns regarding misinformation.
It is unacceptable and wrong when any government, including the Biden Administration, attempts to dictate how the Company moderates content, and the Company has consistently fought against those efforts on First Amendment grounds.
Ah, the good old days, when it was Democrats threatening free-speakers.
Let's click over to the American Sunlight Project to check what Ms. Information herself, Nina Jankowicz, has to say about all this:
Yes, that's right: nothing.
Finally, at Reason, J.D. Tuccille ably diagnoses the real problem: America's Free Speech Culture Is Under Attack From Within.
The First Amendment is alive and well, which is a reassuring note about the basic legal protections for free speech. Unfortunately, it's not enough. The world is full of countries with written protections for liberty that are frequently honored in the breach because people and politicians don't really believe in them (cough, Canada, cough). The true foundation for free speech in the U.S. has always been a culture that supports unfettered expression, of which the First Amendment is just an extension.
But less than two weeks after Charlie Kirk was murdered because an assassin apparently didn't like what he had to say, it's obvious that free speech culture is besieged. That murder is celebrated in some quarters, the U.S. attorney general threatened to crack down on "hate speech," and the head of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) leaned on ABC to fire a comic who got mouthy about Kirk. That's after years of cancel culture meant to muzzle ideas and behind the scenes government efforts to suppress dissent. The First Amendment still stands, but too many Americans seem to regret its existence.
J.D. is on target, and it's sad.
Also of note:
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Just after you take the Road to Serfdom, keep an eye out for A Short Route to Chaos. Kevin D. Williamson takes a look:
We like to quote from A Man for All Seasons around here—you know: “Give the Devil the benefit of law,” “but for Wales?” etc. There is much that is wonderfully wise in Robert Bolt’s play and the beloved film adapted from it. But one of his maxims is at best incomplete, with Thomas More making this brief case against Thomas Cromwell’s cynical realpolitik and amoral pragmatism: “When statesmen forsake their own private conscience for the sake of their public duties, they lead their country by a short route to chaos.”
Chaos is where we are.
By what short route did we arrive here? In no small part, through the private conscience—one that is extraordinarily deformed—of Donald Trump, the Mammon-worshiping imbecile who is, if not exactly a statesman, nonetheless president of these United States. More’s advice assumes two things: 1) a more or less princely executive 2) who is in possession of a functioning and educated “private conscience.” (A note to consider at another time: The most significant error of our romantic friends is the belief that the conscience does not need educating.) Our Founding Fathers, having had the benefit of learning a good deal from the two and a half centuries that had passed between More’s martyrdom and the framing of our constitutional order, chose not to rely on the private conscience of a monarch or an elected executive with monarchical powers: They set limits on the overall national government and made the executive answerable to the legislature rather than the other way around.
On that point: We do have a separation of powers, but we do not have three “coequal” branches of government. Congress can override a presidential veto, but the president must accept the final judgment of Congress; Congress exercises oversight of the executive, which has no reciprocal power over the legislative branch; Congress has a say in senior executive appointments, while the president has no say in congressional staffing; the major powers of the state—laying taxes, appropriating funds, declaring war, ratifying treaties—are invested in Congress, not in the president. What the executive has is not equality but independence across a narrowly defined scope of action, powers that are intended as a check on what turns out to be, in our time, the least dangerous “threat” in American public life: excessive legislative ambition from such gormless castrati as Ted Cruz, Mike Johnson, John Thune, Bill Cassidy, and the rest of the knee-walking sycophants of the so-called Republican Party, who cannot muster the patriotism, self-respect, or manliness (a strange obsession among these perfect exemplars of impotence) to stand up for their country (to say nothing of Congress as an institution) in the face of the abuses, usurpations, corruption, stupidity, quackery, incompetence, buffoonery, servility, tyranny, cowardice, and Putinist water-carrying—I could go on—of the Trump administration and its fellow travelers.
That's a long excerpt, but I encourage you to do whatever you need to do to read the whole thing. If only to get to the bit about "the love child of Augustus Gloop and Veruca Salt."
(I wonder if Roald Dahl ever fantasized about that, maybe in a sequel.)
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Something I've tried to say myself. But I wasn't as eloquent as Noah Rothman: Determining Motives Not Always Easy.
It’s not always easy to determine the motives of those who are deranged enough to think exhibitions of wanton violence will beget a better world. It’s often harder to establish, even presumptively, the sources of inspiration that encourage them to act on their delusions. Anibal Hernandez Santana’s alleged attack on a Sacramento-based ABC affiliate could be the exception that proves the rule.
Santana's brain processes might be "disordered and chaotic". Or, Noah notes, he could have been making the bold, rational decision to help save the country from the "dark night of fascism" predicted by a host of Democrats. His mistake might have been to take what they were saying seriously.
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The nation that controls… OK, maybe we won't get a Dick Tracy/Chester Gould Space Coupe out of it, but Noah Smith explains: Why every country needs to master the Electric Tech Stack.
The other day I gave a talk at a conference in Canada about industrial policy. When we came to the inevitable question of which specific industries Canada should target, I had an answer ready: “the Electric Tech Stack”.
The fact that I had an answer ready surprised some people in the audience. The traditional criticism of industrial policy is that it’s all about “picking winners”, and that winners are very hard for even the smartest person to pick. But in some cases it’s actually very easy to pick winners. In the 19th century, every country knew they needed railroads, both for national defense and for transporting goods. In the 20th century, many countries knew they needed an auto industry, because those same assembly lines and supply chains could be quickly repurposed to make tanks and other military vehicles in case of a war. In the early 20th century, countries knew that having a steel industry was crucial for creating most of the important military equipment, while in the later century, the U.S. correctly guessed that having a powerful semiconductor industry was crucial for dominance in precision weaponry.
In all four of these cases, there were arguments about the economic benefits of promoting the industries in question, but in the end it was military necessity that tipped the balance decisively in favor of industrial policy. As I told the folks in Canada, a similar thing is true in the 2020s.
Noah makes a pretty good case for making some unglamorous, but necessary, investments in every technology that's critical to cranking out cheap-but-deadly drones.
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